By Prof Hassan Saliu
Introduction
This tribute is a unique one, and it departs from my usual tributes. It is done in the context of a new book written on the celebrant, who has requested that if I decide to write a tribute to him, it should be in the form of a review of his latest book, and I consented to his wish.
After his second retirement, having first done so at the University of Ibadan in 1998 at the age of 53, he has devoted himself to his second trade: publishing. The first of his books that I came into contact with was Introduction to International Relations, published by Macmillan in 1983, when I was an undergraduate student at Bayero University, Kano. I am aware that he has republished the volume and added some other ones to his stable. He is a prolific writer who is passionate about the predicament of Africa, particularly its development trajectory in the global context.
Prof. Adeniran is one of our consequential elders in the field of Political Science in Nigeria who is very passionate about our Association, the NPSA. This led him and Professor Adele Jinadu to summon me in December 2022 in Abuja to answer a verbal charge regarding why the NPSA was asleep on duty at a time of major political events, particularly the then-approaching 2023 General Elections.
I presented an argument as to why we appeared to be sleeping off duty at the time. The two Professors were unimpressed with my explanations on that day. What followed was a marching order given to me to the effect that I must come up with a proposal outlining what the NPSA would do about the 2023 elections, while they would source the funds to carry it out.
Together with the other two elders, the Association was provided with the sum of 8 million naira, which the elders had raised, with which the NPSA organised a Roundtable on Achieving Electoral Integrity in Abuja on 9 and 10 February 2023. Surprisingly, all the red flags we highlighted through our communication issued at the end of the engagement reared their ugly heads in the elections, reflecting the disconnect between policy and research outputs in Nigeria, and indeed, most of Africa. Ever since, he has been asking questions about what we are doing as an EXCO to raise the bar for the NPSA’s performance. I will now proceed to the second leg of my engagement in this intervention, which is to review Prof. Adeniran’s latest book.
AFRICA BETRAYED: The Challenges of Underdevelopment in Sub-Saharan Africa, published this year, is the subject of this review in the second part of this intervention. Other books by him include:
- Africa’s Security Challenges in the 21st Century: Power, Principles and Praxis in Global Politics.
- Serving My Fatherland
- Wars Without End: The Conflict Helix and A Formula for Peace.
- Policy Making and International Security.
Review of the Book
The state of development in Africa is indeed worrisome. This continent is well-endowed, the second-largest in the world, yet it is challenged in every sense, with a concerning development climate and a reputation as a beggar continent. Its level of resource endowment has caught the attention of other parts of the world for exploitation, which is why they have not relinquished their hold on the resources in Africa.
Currently, every notable country in the world is interested and has made an appearance around the mineral sites on the continent. In this new scramble for resources, both old and new entrants have emerged to exploit its resources, with scant attention being paid to the long-term effects of their rapacious activities on the continent. The question is, why is a continent so rich in mineral resources still lagging in all indicators of progress in the world? Some of its talented human resources have chosen to relocate to greener pastures outside the continent, citing unfavourable working conditions. Others have also expressed interest in leaving due to the poor level of development of the equipment, unfavourable governance climate and a lack of inspiring policies needed for rapid development.
The big elephant in the room, as we often say in Nigeria, is the inclement governance environment characterised by bad governance that tends to pollute everything else on the continent. This situation has drawn the attention of economic partners, who consider the governing process crucial for development. Corruption remains a significant issue, despite efforts to combat it. Prioritising the welfare of public office holders over the people has become an entrenched culture. As a result, developmental issues from the 1960s persist, and Africa continues to struggle with diseases like malaria, guinea worms and others that have been eradicated in other parts of the world. The African continent is paradoxical – it boasts a valuable resource profile yet remains essentially a continent of poverty. Why is this so? One is curious to ask. Providing an answer to this question would require examining the existing literature on the matter. In this review, I will focus on five perspectives before bringing in the book that has warranted this effort.
The first perspective originates from historical incidents that occurred in Africa, beginning with the first contact with the Portuguese and later other Western countries, which gave rise to mercantilism and subsequent systems of exploitation. While the phases lasted, there was the exploitation of African resources forced outside the continent. The plundering witnessed left the continent wounded, and even to this day, that system has continued under neocolonialism, which allows African resources to fuel the economies of other parts of the world, with China being a new face in the chain of exploitation.
The argument is that historical occurrences of exploitation are the root cause of the issues observed in Africa. Nothing is on the horizon to change their role as suppliers of raw materials and consumers of valuable goods and sites of toxic wastes that come from the Northern Hemisphere. Structurally, African countries are constrained in their ability to manoeuvre anything in their favour in the international system: their bondage is complete and deep, fired by an uncompromising ideological standpoint. The second perspective, while acknowledging the origins of African development challenges, argues that internal forces have sustained the poor climate of development on the continent primarily for class interests. This second perspective has co-travellers in the dependency scholars who have tended to pursue a single narrative approach. They have stated that external sources are primarily responsible for the woes in Africa. The internal sources are culpable in their writings. However, in terms of the offenders or culprits, the scale is weighted against foreign parasites who are seen as bad influencers, corrupting otherwise ‘sinless’ Africans. Can this really be the case?
To be sure, the indigenous property class created by external sources is even more zealous than the original proponents by accepting being collaborators in keeping the system of exploitation going. Furthermore, the fourth perspective holds that Africans should wake up and realise that some countries in other parts of the world, which have faced the negative implications of imperialism, have risen above the challenges of the past and have moved on to redirect their affairs. Enough of agonising about the past; for how long will the continent refer to incidents that took place centuries ago? Africans must take responsibility for their failures.
We also have the last perspective that tends to condemn both external and internal sources that have held back Africa from realising its manifest destiny of development. According to this school of thought, while the external environment is culpable, internal forces are not above blame. Changing the climate would require adjustments, with the internal environment leading the charge.
This is the background of the book written by Professor Tunde Adeniran, titled “Africa Betrayed: The Challenge of Underdevelopment in Sub-Saharan Africa.” The book comprises twelve chapters, chronicling Africa’s developmental journey, and spans pages vii-267. The cover features an orange design with artistic elements.
The book “Africa Betrayed” by Prof. Adeniran is a thought-provoking analysis of Africa’s challenges, unsparing but balanced: giving a knock to all forces that come into the radar, retarding the progress of Africa. The author identifies the problem as a crisis of leadership, where those at the top in Africa are compromised and harbour conformism, reaction, and retrogression as treasured values. This situation is attributed to mental slavery and structural bondage imposed by imperialists, making it a pervasive and seemingly permanent issue. The book aims to highlight how these factors have hindered Africa’s emergence and growth, and it seeks to contribute to the discourse on African liberation and human dignity. Regarding his motivation to write this book and others, he attributes it to an irresistible force that drives him and others to remain concerned and write about African afflictions and pathways, despite the numerous concerning issues happening on the continent. In his own words: “It is the irresistible and undefeatable soul whose sole quest is for general enlightenment, African liberation and human dignity, an animating spirit that cries for justice through the dark corners of the world.” (pxiii).
In Chapter One of the book, the author’s perspective becomes more apparent. He is a realist, African-centric person who has not shied away from calling a spade a spade, at least twice in the chapter. He first remarks: ”The pre-colonial kingdoms were by no means paradise or idyllic. There were, of course, some autocratic structures and authoritarian traditional forms of authority that would have been confronted and reformed as a result of traditional pressures over time.” (p.4). He continues: ”With the arrival of Europeans in Africa came the subversion of African culture…”(p.4). In the chapter, he further recounts the exploits of Africa before the colonial invasion, which shattered everything indigenous to Africa, replacing it with a European orientation. As a demonstration of his conviction that Africa is the cradle of civilisation, he shares a perspective on the origin of artificial intelligence (AI), which he has traced to Africa, supported by some evidence that can only be decoded by those who are initiated into the proper traditional African context (p.6).
In Chapter Two, the author presents a scathing critique of colonialism and its ongoing impact on the African continent. He posits that the incidence of colonialism arrested the trajectory of development in Africa. One attack, after another, defined by brutality, forcibly brought the whole continent under European control and consummated the initial penetration by the Portuguese. He remarks: ”The colonial masters were so immersed in reaping without sowing, profiting without commensurate investment, and in an unquantifiable inhuman exploitation that lasted so long that the proverbial wind of change of the mid-twentieth century came to them as a most unwelcome development.” (p.21).
He thus offers a trenchant critique of colonialism. Of course, he also critiques African collaborators, whom he considers “black legs among Africans.” Regarding the possibility of China replacing the imperialist West in coming to Africa’s aid and providing the necessary support, he expresses his scepticism. He says: “In some cases, the former superpowers have taken over, while China has been involved in a complex of interactions with African States in contrary forms whose essence amounts to a new form of colonialism.” (p.23). Prof. Adeniran further interrogates the notion of the West coming to recolonise the continent by observing that they have never left Africa, thereby warranting the idea of them returning (p. 23). In his view, neocolonial powers have always maintained a menacing presence on the continent
Prof. Adeniran turns his analytical gaze on the level of disunity in Africa and how it has retarded growth and development on the continent in chapter three. Among the issues he highlights are ideological differences, particularly in the immediate post-independence era, which nearly impeded the formation of the OAU in 1963 and ultimately led to its reformation in 2002, with the legacy still affecting its successor organisation, the African Union (AU). Reactions to rampant military coups and obnoxious apartheid in South Africa, as well as the lack of a unified front against imperialist forces, are also noted in the book. The impact of disunity is evident in how African states respond to international issues and those affecting the continent.
The author’s attention shifts to another significant issue in Chapter Four, which deals with nationalism and the forces that shape it. In his view, a nation must exist before the spirit of nationalism can develop. He attempts to distinguish between variants of nationalism in Europe and Africa. For him, the nationalist flavour in the former was and still is directed at imperialism, while in the latter, colonialism and neocolonialism, both offshoots of imperialism, were and remain the primary culprits. Nationalist efforts in Africa are haunted by three forces: liberation from colonial evils, sensitisation and enlightenment of citizens, and cultural revival from bastardisation instigated and sustained under both colonialism and neocolonialism. The scope of nationalism must also be continental to be meaningful, posing a significant challenge.
Prof. Adeniran recognises some power elites propelled by nationalism but argues that their obsession with state capture and serving as puppets to Western powers has created a dilemma. These elites are often parasitic and unaware of the continent’s urgent developmental needs. A similar disorientation afflicts other subsets of leadership who prioritise their interests over those of the masses. As a scholar, he emphasises the critical role of intellectuals, remarking that “much of intellectual input in African affairs has been self-centred, status quo oriented, and neo-colonial.” (p. 89). While this critique is valid mainly, exceptions exist, particularly among anti-establishment intellectuals. Regarding labour and peasants, Prof. Adeniran believes they bear the brunt of oppressive rule, with their hopes for a better life dashed.
Is there anything in the DNA of African leaders that causes them to exhibit certain traits that are not progressive and developmental? In Chapter Five, the author discusses the concept of “a cursed genealogy.” He laments how freedom in Africa often translates to individualism, highlighting people of African descent who disdain their African heritage and discriminate against fellow Africans. This tendency stems from greed, which has led to governing positions concentrated within certain families, notably in Guinea-Bissau. The chapter also explores the marginalisation of women in African public positions, attributing this to misplaced priorities despite women’s potential contributions to Africa’s liberation. The author advises that ”the new generation of African women should draw relevant inspiration from the past and be awakened by contemporary challenges.” (p. 113).
Chapter Six focuses on diaspora Africans making valuable contributions to other economies. Prof. Adeniran emphasises the need for diaspora Africans to complement internal efforts in Africa, but notes a lack of consciousness and sense of mission. Unlike Jewish Americans supporting Israel, many diaspora Africans lack synergy, often adopting European values and behaviours more fervently than Europeans. Historical context reveals a different narrative during the heydays of Pan-Africanism.
The contentious Middle East issue takes centre stage in Chapter Seven, titled: “Africa in World Affairs.’’ The author provides historical context on the crisis, situating Africa within it. In his view, the African relationship with the Middle East is complex, influenced by geopolitical considerations. The establishment of Israel involved multiple factors, including the Palestinian bourgeoisie’s sale of land to Jews and the superpowers’ involvement. The author argues that neither Israel nor the Arabs are inherently friends or enemies of Africa; African nations must navigate this crisis carefully.
Africa’s rich mineral resources have made it a focal point in global affairs, attracting old and new powers seeking to exploit these resources. However, most are primarily concerned with extracting benefits through various means. The author notes that some African countries have shown courage by refusing to join the Samoa agreement due to offensive clauses, highlighting the need for Africa to prioritise its interests.
Prof. Adeniran proposes several strategies in Chapter Eight for changing Africa’s narrative, including:
- Nationalistic and patriotic governance
- Regional economic groupings feeding into the African Continental Free Trade Area
- Integration and restructuring for development
- Emphasis on education for transformation
Chapter Nine explores African identity, advocating for an inclusive definition that encompasses Africans living on the continent and those with roots in Africa. This broader definition is essential for mobilisation and liberation. In Chapter Ten, Prof. Adeniran devotes considerable space to Angola, a country where the superpowers engaged in complex networks of global conspiracy. Virtually all major powers were involved in Angola’s war of independence for self-interest, apparently due to Portugal’s weakened political base. The author maintains that: “As in all territories colonised by the Portuguese, all the evils of colonialism were left behind without any of its presumed benefits.”(p.236).
The hurried departure of the Portuguese led to disorderliness, with contending forces battling for control of Luanda, opening the floodgates for other global actors to pursue their interests. Nigeria was among the actors that supported Angola, especially after President Gerald Ford’s note urging support for a unitary government in Luanda. Angola attained independence in 1975. Cuba’s policy shift has earned its efforts the appreciation of the MPLA government to this day. Nigeria, through Joe Garba, complained about Angola’s ingratitude, a point captured in the book and supported by Joe Garba’s account in “Diplomatic Soldiering.”
Prof. Adeniran presents Angola’s liberation war as a classic example of what people’s determination can achieve. Another country that merits attention is Rwanda, which has made significant progress since the 1994 genocide and is now a model for civil service reform, attracting visits from countries like Nigeria. There are ghosts of neocolonial machinations around the country that show unhappiness with the vision of its President. President Paul Kagame should watch out.
Chapter Eleven focuses on the future using the prisms of survival and liberation for Africa. He subscribes to the idea that African nations should take action to redirect the continent’s affairs. These actions can only be embarked upon by Africans through revolution. For him, there are two types of revolution: peaceful and violent ones, but there is no escaping the route. In embarking on it, the continent can learn valuable lessons from both within and outside Africa. The experiences of Angola and Rwanda offer a possibility. Crucial is the mobilisation of human and natural resources for the extraordinary task of liberating Africans. Subscribing to foreign ideologies may not be helpful in this regard. Liberation necessarily includes freeing the mind from mental slavery.
In the Concluding chapter (chapter twelve), Prof. Adeniran believes that several positive developments have occurred in Africa, which should offer hope for the future. Although token, he cites the case of Namibia, which has given practical expression to the principle of reciprocity in its relations with America on consular matters. He also highlights the possibility of European nations rediscovering themselves in light of the phenomenon of President Donald Trump in America. Based on these and other developments, the idea of disillusionment should not prevail in Africa; there are good points to explore in changing the continent’s tide. Prof. Adeniran is therefore positive about African rebirth.
Wrapping Up the Review
Based on the review carried out, the key points made in the book by the author include:
– Optimism for Africa’s Future: Prof. Adeniran believes Africa can rise from internal and external betrayals to global reckoning.
– Homegrown African Ideology: He advocates for Africa-driven development, rejecting foreign ideologies.
– Critique of Governing Elites: Prof. Adeniran criticises African leaders who prioritise power over progress through collaboration with imperialist interests.
– Recolonisation: He rejects Western powers’ recolonisation of Africa, citing their historical role in hindering progress.
– China’s Role in Africa: Prof. Adeniran argues China is not altruistic in its dealings with Africa, comparing its actions to those of Western powers.
– African History and Culture: As a proud African scholar, he celebrates Africa’s rich history and cultural contributions.
– Path to Liberation: The author suggests both violent and nonviolent means can achieve African liberation, but does not specify his preferred approach.
– Exploitation and Brutality: Prof. Adeniran laments historical violence and ongoing exploitation of African resources.
– African Diaspora’s Role: He notes Africans in the diaspora are not as invested in African development as Jews are in Israel.
– Unity and Restructuring: The author stresses the need for African unity and restructuring for liberation and progress.
Prof. Adeniran’s book encourages reflection and action towards African development, highlighting complexities and potential solutions. At this point, on behalf of the EXCO, I would like to congratulate Prof. Adeniran for bringing out the book from his academic area, as a notable International Relations (IR) scholar who has been a consistent mentor to all, particularly those of us following in his footsteps in the IR sub-field of Political Science. He turns 80 years old today. Let the bell ring!
On a personal note, the celebrant is a man of the people, representing individuals from all walks of life. This was on display on September 25, 2025, when his birthday celebrations kicked off in Ibadan. A significant number of members from his graduating set attended the occasion, extolling his virtues of tolerance, spirituality, and friendship that have endured for decades after he left UI in 1967. As a demonstration of his love for Africa, he organised a colloquium on Africa’s future that featured Prof. Isaac Albert, Prof. Oserheimen Osunbor, former Governor of Edo State, Former Acting Vice-Chancellor of UI, Prof. Adebola Ekanola, this author who spoke on the need to bridge the gap between the peoples and their governments in Africa (got sprayed some money during the presentation by Primate Ola Makinde, former Head of the Methodist Church in Nigeria) and other panelists who spoke to the theme of the Colloquium.
Then, a book launch edited by Prof. Gani Yoroms and Femi Melefa. The two events featured Prof. Bola Akinterinwa, a former DG, NIIA, as the anchor person who made the day lively for all attendees. At the same time, Prof. Michael Omolewa (Ambassador) expertly chaired the colloquium session.
Meanwhile, Professor Adeniran is a towering scholar whose significant contributions have shaped the growth of political science in Nigeria. His work, a testament to his dedication and intellect, has left an indelible mark on the field. He was born in 1945 and completed his tertiary education at the University of Ibadan and Columbia University in the USA. He worked briefly at the United Nations.
Then he joined the Department of Political Science, UI, as a lecturer. He rose through the ranks to become a Professor and Head of Department. He was drawn to public service again in 1999, following a stint as an executive bureaucrat. In 1987, he was appointed Secretary/Director of MAMSER, having previously served as a member of the Political Bureau (1986-1987), empanelled by the Ibrahim Babangida military administration in 1986. By virtue of his subsequent engagement, he was in the league of Babangida’s academic friends who had offered services to the controversial government.
Professor Adeniran later served as the last Chairman of MAMSER. He resigned from the position in the heat of the June 12 controversy when MAMSER was about to be converted to a National Orientation Agency (NOA) under the General Sani Abacha military regime. He later entered politics, joining in the founding of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and vying for the Governorship of Ekiti State in 1999, but lost to the candidate of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), Chief Niyi Adebayo.
He subsequently secured a cabinet position under the presidency of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 as the Minister for Education. Many had expected him to be appointed Foreign Affairs Minister based on his academic background and expertise. He, however, did not disappoint in that position. For instance, the revival of the concept of basic education, one of the legacy programmes of the Obasanjo government, crystallised under his Ministerial Tenure. He also instituted some innovations and pressed for university autonomy against the backdrop of his experience as one of the ASUU leaders who negotiated with the President Shagari administration during the Second Republic (979-1983). Prof. Adeniran later served as Nigeria’s ambassador to Germany (2004-2007) under the same President Obasanjo before being appointed Chairman of the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) in Abuja under President Umaru Yar’Adua.
He later left the PDP due to some issues related to his ambition to lead the party, which was resisted by a cabal in the party. Before exiting the PDP, he had risen to a position of visibility, having once headed the transition committee that facilitated the transition of a PDP government to power. Even as a retired politician, he appears to have more influence within the PDP family than any other party, as evidenced by his deep involvement in the party’s affairs.
The vagaries of Nigerian politics later led him to occupy the Chairmanship position of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 2018 with some complications mainly borne out of the nature of Nigeria’s politics, showing little regard for principles and integrity, before he retired from active politics in 2020 to face other matters, including writing and consultancy.
Prof. Adeniran is gentle and soft-spoken, but he can be strong in his views, which he expresses at all times. I have visited his house in Ibadan a couple of times. On each occasion, he has extended his usual hospitality to me, even though if I had attended UI, I would have been his direct student. Although I was not a direct student, his influence on my academic trajectory has been profound. I am a proud student of the IR sub-set of Political Science today, inspired by his book: Introduction to International Relations, published in 1983.
On behalf of the Executive Council of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA), I wish Prof. Adeniran a happy birthday, one of our esteemed elders in the field of Political Science in Nigeria. Baba Adeniran is not yet tired of the aroma of the University System, as he is currently serving as the Chairman of the Governing Council of Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti.
Happy birthday to you, Sir.
The author is the President, NPSA
